Does
the Internet mainly harm or advance socialist emancipation? Does it
mainly destabilize or stabilize capitalism and exploitation? In my
view, these questions are incorrectly asked and imply one-sided answers.The
task for a critical analysis of the role of media and technology in
capitalism is to conceive these phenomena as dialectical and
antagonistic.
Neither neo-Luddism nor techno-utopianism are
adequate left-wing reactions to the fact that digital media to a
certain extent shape the ways we work, live, communicate, act, and
think.
The Marxian notion of the antagonism between the
productive forces and the relations of production is helpful for
analyzing the role of knowledge and the media in contemporary
capitalism in a more complex manner.
Marx formulated this
antagonism in the following words: “The contradiction between the
general social power into which capital develops, on the one hand, and
the private power of the individual capitalists over these social
conditions of production, on the other, becomes ever more
irreconcilable, and yet contains the solution of the problem, because
it implies at the same time the transformation of the conditions of
production into general, common, social, conditions”.
In one of
the most well-known passages of his works, Marx says that the “material
conditions for the existence” of “new superior relations of production”
mature “within the framework of the old society” and that the
“productive forces developing within bourgeois society create also the
material conditions for a solution of this antagonism”.
Information
systems and knowledge in production are economic factors that influence
and enable the creation of knowledge goods and services that are sold
as commodities.
On the Internet, knowledge is commodified in
several ways: it is either directly sold as commodity (you for example
pay for downloading music on iTunes) or is provided for free by
companies in order to attract a large number of users to platforms so
that the users can be commodified and sold as a user/prosumer commodity
to advertising clients.
This shows that within capitalist
society, knowledge and information systems are subsumed under the
capitalist relations of production. But this fact does not allow the
conclusion that technologies and media in general are only means of
exploitation and means for the production of relative surplus value. It
is due to three specific characteristics of information networks that
networked productive forces come in contradiction with the capitalist
relations of:
- Information as a strategic
economic resource is globally produced and diffused by networks. It is
a good that is hard to control in single places or by single owners.
- Information
is intangible. It can easily be copied, which results in multiple
ownerships and hence undermines individual private property.
- The
essence of networks is that they strive for establishing connections.
Networks are in essence a negation of individual ownership and the
atomism of capitalism.
The specific antagonism of networked
information systems (such as the Internet) is that they at the same
time have the potential to threaten and reproduce private property and
capitalist class relations. The openness, connectivity,
communicability, co-operation, and sociality supported by the Internet
on the one hand makes information a good that can easily be made
available without payment.
Legal mechanisms (intellectual
property rights, privacy statements, terms of use) and online
advertising strategies on the other hand enable companies to
criminalize information sharing and to accumulate capital by opening up
platforms without payment to users, setting advertising rates according
to the attracted amount of users, storing, analyzing, assessing, and
selling user data and usage behaviour data to advertising clients
(economic surveillance).
The Internet in capitalist society is
therefore highly antagonistic. It is an expression of networked
productive forces that anticipate the idea of a co-operative
participatory economy, in which the means of production or
co-operatively controlled by the immediate producers. The Internet is
therefore also, but not only, a Keimform (germ cell) of communism.
But
the very principles of networking, openness, decentralization that are
at the heart of the Internet are also principles that enable new
accumulation strategies. The Internet opens up and closes down
possibilities for communism at the same time.
This analysis cast
doubts on the assumption that political action can operate outside of
antagonisms. It implies that progressive politics are, at least as long
as we live in a capitalist society, in most instances antagonistic
themselves. Given the antagonistic Internet, what can socialist net
politics look like?
Communism most likely will not arrive
tomorrow, it is not knocking on our doors in the current time of global
crisis. This is at least what can be observed by the reactions of most
citizens to the fact that capital has once again shipwrecked and has
been saved by states with the help of taxpayers’ money.
The
reaction has not been a wave of mass protests, but a shift towards the
political right in many countries and a wait-see-hope-attitude in
others (let’s wait until the crisis is over, let’s see if I will be
affected, let’s hope that not I, but others will be damaged).
This
shows that dreaming of revolution is today rather utopian – it is only
an idea that has no mass support. A politics of radical reformism is
needed that aims at changing the institutions in such a way that
critical action can become more likely.
For net politics this
means that the likelihood that the antagonism between the networked
productive forces and the relations of production will have
predominantly socialist and not capitalist effects can only be
increased by left wing political actions, both in parliament, civil
society, and as a combination of both. Elements of socialist net
politics could for example include:
- the legalization of file sharing
- the introduction of a guaranteed basic income for cultural producers, financed by increasing capital taxation
- state subsidies for non-commercial, advertising-free, non-profit Internet projects
- the
introduction of the legal requirement that commercial Internet platform
providers operate based on opt-in advertising mechanisms
- the introduction of an Internet tax on online advertising revenues
- affirmative
action mechanisms that increase the visibility of alternative online
media on the Internet, make the existence of these platforms known to
the people, and make the usage of alternative Internet platforms fun
and attractive
Many more potential elements of socialist
net politics are imaginable. My argument is that progressive net
politics require the connection to a movement for the renewal of a true
social democracy. Such a social democracy cannot be a form of Bliarism
or a kind of politics that is brown instead of red. It must recover and
renew its own socialist roots.
The British elections 2010 will
unfortunately not improve the possibilities or realities of socialist
politics and socialist net politics, it will instead bring more of the
same uniform neoliberal one-dimensionality, disguised and media-hyped
as being young, fresh, and dynamic.
From a socialist perspective,
the difference between Cameron, Glegg, and Brown is marginal. British
neoliberalism will continue after just like before the elections. And
this does not promise good times for net politics either.